George Kent Wiki
George Kent (George P. Kent) is an American diplomat who serves as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the European and Eurasian Office in the US Department of State. UU. And it oversees the policy towards Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. According to the biography of George Kent on the website of the US Department of State. UU., “Previously, he was Deputy Head of Mission in Kyiv, Ukraine (2015-18). In 2014-15, George was the Senior Anti-Corruption Coordinator in the European State Department Office from 2014-15, leading the development and Defense of anti-corruption messages in Europe and Eurasia Since 2012-14, he oversaw the annual programming of $ 200 million for the development of the rule of law, law enforcement and capacity building of the judicial system in Europe and Asia as Director of the International Bureau of Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL / EA). Since joining the foreign service in 1992, he has served in: Warsaw, Poland; Kyiv Tashkent, Uzbekistan; and Bangkok, Thailand. Other tasks of the Department of Status include Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State for Political Affairs; Surveillance officer of the operations center; and Thai desk officer. ”
George Kent Education
Kent has an A.B. from Harvard in Russian History and Literature (1989), an M.A. by Johns Hopkins ’SAIS (1992), and M.S. from the Eisenhower School of the National Defense University (2012).
George Kent Inquiry Opening Statement
Good Morning. My name is George Kent and I am Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. I have worked proudly as a nonpartisan career foreign service officer for more than 27 years, under five presidents, three Republicans, and two Democrats. As I mentioned in my opening remarks last month in the closed-door statement, I represent the third generation of my family who chose a career in public service and swore all public servants in the US. UU., In defense of our Constitution. In fact, George Kent has sworn to defend the Constitution continuously for almost 60 years, since my father reported to Annapolis for his summer of plebs. After graduating first in his Naval Academy class in 1965, the year best known by his Heisman-winning classmate Roger Staubach, my father turned 30 full years, including as Captain of a nuclear ballistic missile submarine.
Five great uncles served honorably in the Navy and in the Army in World War II. In particular, Tom Taggart was stationed in the Philippines at the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor; He survived the brutal Death March of Bataan and three more years in a Japanese prisoner of war camp, without interruptions. He returned to service as an Air Force Defense Judge, defending the rule of law until his death in 1965. Today I appear before you once again, under a subpoena, as a de facto witness ready to answer all your questions about the events and developments examined in this investigation, the best I can, and subject to the limits imposed by law and this. process. I begin with some initial comments on the key principles at the heart of what he presents to me today. Namely: public service based on principles in pursuit of our lasting national interests, and the place of Ukraine in our national and security interests.
Five great uncles served honorably in the Navy and in the Army in World War II. In particular, Tom Taggart was stationed in the Philippines at the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor; He survived the brutal Death March of Bataan and three more years in a Japanese prisoner of war camp, without interruptions. He returned to service as an Air Force Defense Judge, defending the rule of law until his death in 1965. Today I appear before you once again, under a subpoena, as a de facto witness ready to answer all your questions about events and events examined in this investigation, the best that I can, and subject to the limits imposed by law and this. process. I begin with some initial comments on the key principles at the heart of what he presents to me today. Namely: public service based on principles in the search of our lasting national interests, and the place of Ukraine in our national and security interests.
The support for Ukraine’s success also fits perfectly into our strategy for central and eastern Europe since the fall of the Wall 30 years ago last week. A truly complete, free and peaceful Europe, our strategic goal for my entire career in foreign service, is not possible without an entire, free and peaceful Ukraine, including Crimea and Donbas, territories currently occupied by Russia. Looking to the future, the Trump Administration’s National Security Strategy makes clear the global strategic challenge before us: the great power competition with rivals such as Russia and China, and the need to compete for positive influence, without giving for granted to countries. In that sense, Ukraine has been on the frontline, not only of Russia’s conventional war in eastern Ukraine since 2014 and its broader campaign of evil influence but also of the greatest geopolitical challenges that the United States now faces. The popular Ukrainian Dignity Revolution in 2014 forced a pro-Russian corrupt leadership to flee to Moscow. After that, Russia invaded Ukraine, occupying seven percent of its territory, roughly equivalent to the size of Texas for the United States. At that time, Ukrainian state institutions were on the verge of collapse. Ukrainian civil society responded to the challenge. They formed volunteer battalions of citizens, including technology professionals and doctors. They obtained funds for their own weapons, bulletproof vests, and supplies. They were the twenty-first century Ukrainian equivalent of our own Minutemen in 1776, gaining time for the regular army to reconstitute itself.
Since then, more than 13,000 Ukrainians have died on Ukrainian soil defending their territorial integrity and sovereignty of Russian aggression. US support in Ukraine’s own de facto independence war has been fundamental in this regard. By analogy, the American colonies may not have prevailed against British imperial power without the help of transatlantic friends after 1776. In an echo of Lafayette’s organized assistance to General George Washington’s army and Admiral John Paul Jones’ navy, the Congress has generously appropriated more than $ 1.5 billion over the past five years in desperate need to train and equip security assistance to Ukraine. These funds increase the strength and ability of Ukraine to combat Russian aggression. Ultimately, Ukraine is on its way to becoming a total security partner of the United States within NATO. Like the von Steuben training colonizers in Valley Forge, the US-allied trainers. UU. And NATO develops the skills of Ukrainian units in Yavoriv, near the border with Poland, and elsewhere. They help rewrite military education for the next generation of Ukraine, as von Steuben did for the first in the United States. By supporting Ukraine’s courageous resistance to Russian aggression, we have a front-row seat for the form of Russian warfare in the 21st century, obtaining invaluable ideas that contribute to our own security. In 2019, the citizens of Ukraine passed the political torch to a new generation, which reached the age of majority not in the last years of the Soviet Union, but in an independent Ukraine. This year’s presidential and parliamentary elections swept much of the former ruling elite of Ukraine and seated President Zelenskyy, 41, a cabinet with an average age of 39, and a parliament with an average age of 41. At the heart of that mandate of change, five years after the Revolution of the Dignity of Ukraine, is the thirst for justice, because there can be no dignity without justice. Without a reformed judicial sector that provides justice with integrity for all, Ukrainian society will be restless. Foreign investors will not provide the necessary investment to guarantee the long-term prosperity of Ukraine.